JERUSALEM — Twenty-seven days earlier than the primary rocket was fired from Gaza this week, a squad of Israeli cops entered the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, brushed the Palestinian attendants apart and strode throughout its huge limestone courtyard. Then they lower the cables to the loudspeakers that broadcast prayers to the trustworthy from 4 medieval minarets.
It was the night time of April 13, the primary day of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. It was additionally Memorial Day in Israel, which honors those that died preventing for the nation. The Israeli president was delivering a speech on the Western Wall, a sacred Jewish web site that lies beneath the mosque, and Israeli officers had been involved that the prayers would drown it out.
The incident was confirmed by six mosque officers, three of whom witnessed it; the Israeli police declined to remark. Within the exterior world, it barely registered.
However in hindsight, the police raid on the mosque, one of many holiest websites in Islam, was considered one of a number of actions that led, lower than a month later, to the sudden resumption of warfare between Israel and Hamas, the militant group that guidelines the Gaza Strip, and the outbreak of civil unrest between Arabs and Jews throughout Israel itself.
“This was the turning level,” stated Sheikh Ekrima Sabri, the grand mufti of Jerusalem. “Their actions would trigger the state of affairs to deteriorate.”
That deterioration has been much more devastating, far-reaching and fast-paced than anybody imagined. It has led to the worst violence between Israelis and Palestinians in years — not solely within the battle with Hamas, which has killed at the very least 145 folks in Gaza and 12 in Israel, however in a wave of mob assaults in blended Arab-Jewish cities in Israel.
It has spawned unrest in cities throughout the occupied West Financial institution, the place Israeli forces killed 11 Palestinians on Friday. And it has resulted within the firing of rockets towards Israel from a Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon, prompted Jordanians to march towards Israel in protest, and led Lebanese protesters to briefly cross their southern border with Israel.
The disaster got here because the Israeli authorities was struggling for its survival; as Hamas — which Israel views as a terrorist group — was in search of to broaden its position throughout the Palestinian motion; and as a brand new era of Palestinians was asserting its personal values and objectives.
And it was the outgrowth of years of blockades and restrictions in Gaza, a long time of occupation within the West Financial institution, and a long time extra of discrimination in opposition to Arabs throughout the state of Israel, stated Avraham Burg, a former speaker of the Israeli Parliament and former chairman of the World Zionist Group.
“All of the enriched uranium was already in place,” he stated. “However you wanted a set off. And the set off was the Aqsa Mosque.”
It had been seven years because the final vital battle with Hamas, and 16 because the final main Palestinian rebellion, or intifada.
There was no main unrest in Jerusalem when President Donald J. Trump acknowledged town as Israel’s capital and nominally moved the USA Embassy there. There have been no mass protests after 4 Arab international locations normalized relations with Israel, abandoning a long-held consensus that they might by no means achieve this till the Palestinian-Israeli battle had been resolved.
Two months in the past, few within the Israeli navy institution had been anticipating something like this.
In personal briefings, navy officers stated the most important menace to Israel was 1,000 miles away in Iran, or throughout the northern border in Lebanon.
When diplomats met in March with the 2 generals who oversee administrative points of Israeli navy affairs in Gaza and the West Financial institution, they discovered the pair relaxed about the potential of vital violence and celebrating an prolonged interval of relative quiet, in response to a senior overseas diplomat who requested to stay nameless in an effort to communicate freely.
Gaza was struggling to beat a wave of coronavirus infections. Most main Palestinian political factions, together with Hamas, had been trying towards Palestinian legislative elections scheduled for March, the primary in 15 years. And in Gaza, the place the Israeli blockade has contributed to an unemployment price of about 50 p.c, Hamas’s recognition was dwindling as Palestinians spoke more and more of the necessity to prioritize the financial system over warfare.
The temper started to shift in April.
The prayers at Aqsa for the primary night time of Ramadan on April 13 occurred because the Israeli president, Reuven Rivlin, was making his speech close by.
The mosque management, which is overseen by the Jordanian authorities, had rejected an Israeli request to keep away from broadcasting prayers in the course of the speech, viewing the request as disrespectful, a public affairs officer on the mosque stated.
In order that night time, the police raided the mosque and disconnected the audio system.
“Definitely,” stated Sheikh Sabri, “it was clear to us that the Israeli police wished to desecrate the Aqsa Mosque and the holy month of Ramadan.”
A spokesman for the president denied that the audio system had been turned off, however later stated they might double-check.
In one other yr, the episode may need been shortly forgotten.
However final month, a number of elements abruptly and unexpectedly aligned that allowed this slight to snowball into a serious showdown.
A resurgent sense of nationwide identification amongst younger Palestinians discovered expression not solely in resistance to a sequence of raids on Al Aqsa, but additionally in protesting the plight of six Palestinian households going through expulsion from their properties. The perceived have to placate an more and more assertive far proper gave Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s caretaker prime minister, little incentive to calm the waters.
A sudden Palestinian political vacuum, and a grass-roots protest that it might undertake, gave Hamas a possibility to flex its muscle tissues.
These shifts within the Palestinian dynamics caught Israel unawares. Israelis had been complacent, nurtured by greater than a decade of far-right governments that handled Palestinian calls for for equality and statehood as an issue to be contained, not resolved.
“We now have to get up,” stated Ami Ayalon, a former director of the Israeli home intelligence company, Shin Wager. “We now have to vary the best way we perceive all this, beginning with the idea that the established order is secure.”
The loudspeaker incident was adopted virtually instantly by a police choice to shut off a preferred plaza exterior the Damascus Gate, one of many predominant entrances to the Previous Metropolis of Jerusalem. Younger Palestinians usually collect there at night time throughout Ramadan.
A police spokesman, Micky Rosenfeld, stated the plaza was closed to forestall dangerously massive crowds from forming there, and to move off the potential of violence.
To Palestinians, it was one other insult. It led to protests, which led to nightly clashes between the police and younger males making an attempt to reclaim the area.
To the police, the protests had been dysfunction to be managed. However to many Palestinians, being pushed out of the sq. was a slight, beneath which had been a lot deeper grievances.
Most Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem, which Israel occupied in the course of the 1967 Arab-Israeli warfare and later annexed, should not Israeli residents by selection, as a result of many say making use of for citizenship would confer legitimacy on an occupying energy. So they can not vote.
The Israeli-Palestinian Battle
Many really feel they’re steadily being pushed out of Jerusalem. Restrictions on constructing permits drive them to both depart town or construct unlawful housing, which is weak to demolition orders. So the choice to dam Palestinians from a treasured communal area compounded the sense of discrimination that many have felt all their lives.
“It made it really feel as if they had been making an attempt to eradicate our presence from town,” stated Majed al-Qeimari, a 27-year-old butcher from East Jerusalem. “We felt the necessity to arise of their faces and make some extent that we’re right here.”
The clashes on the Damascus Gate had repercussions. Later that week, Palestinian youths started attacking Jews. Some posted movies on TikTok, a social media web site, garnering public consideration. And that quickly led to organized Jewish reprisals.
On April 21, only a week after the police raid, just a few hundred members of an extreme-right Jewish group, Lehava, marched by way of central Jerusalem, chanting “Demise to Arabs” and attacking Palestinian passers-by. A gaggle of Jews was filmed attacking a Palestinian dwelling, and others assaulted drivers who had been perceived to be Palestinian.
Overseas diplomats and neighborhood leaders tried to influence the Israeli authorities to decrease the temperature in Jerusalem, at the very least by reopening the sq. exterior Damascus Gate. However they discovered the federal government distracted and uninterested, stated an individual concerned within the discussions, who was not licensed to talk publicly.
Mr. Netanyahu was in the midst of coalition negotiations after an election in March — the fourth in two years — that ended with out a clear winner. To type a coalition, he wanted to influence a number of extreme-right lawmakers to hitch him.
One was Itamar Ben Gvir, a former lawyer for Lehava who advocates expelling Arab residents whom he considers disloyal to Israel, and who till not too long ago hung a portrait of Baruch Goldstein, a Jewish extremist who massacred 29 Palestinians in Hebron in 1994, in his front room.
Mr. Netanyahu was accused of pandering to the likes of Mr. Ben Gvir, and fomenting a disaster to rally Israelis round his management, by letting tensions rise in Jerusalem.
“Netanyahu didn’t invent the tensions between Jews and Arabs,” stated Anshel Pfeffer, a political commentator and biographer of the prime minister. “They’ve been right here since earlier than Israel was based. However over his lengthy years in energy, he’s stoked and exploited these tensions for political achieve repeatedly and has now miserably failed as a pacesetter to place out the fires when it boiled over.”
Mark Regev, a senior adviser to Mr. Netanyahu, rejected that evaluation.
“Precisely the alternative is true,” Mr. Regev stated. “He has performed all the pieces he can to attempt to make calm prevail.”
On April 25, the federal government relented on permitting Palestinians to assemble exterior the Damascus Gate. However then got here a brace of developments that considerably widened the gyre.
First was the looming eviction of the six households from Sheikh Jarrah, a Palestinian neighborhood in East Jerusalem. With a ultimate courtroom choice on their case due within the first half of Could, common protests had been held all through April — demonstrations that accelerated after Palestinians drew a connection between the occasions at Damascus Gate and the plight of the residents.
“What you see now at Sheikh Jarrah or at Al Aqsa or at Damascus Gate is about pushing us out of Jerusalem,” stated Salah Diab, a neighborhood chief in Sheikh Jarrah, whose leg was damaged throughout a latest police raid on his home. “My neighborhood is only the start.”
The police stated they had been responding to violence by demonstrators in Sheikh Jarrah, however video and images confirmed they engaged in violence themselves. As the pictures started to flow into on-line, the neighborhood became a rallying level for Palestinians not simply throughout the occupied territories and Israel, however among the many diaspora.
The expertise of the households, who had already been displaced from what grew to become Israel in 1948, was one thing “each single Palestinian within the diaspora can relate to,” stated Jehan Bseiso, a Palestinian poet residing in Lebanon.
And it highlighted a chunk of authorized discrimination: Israeli regulation permits Jews to reclaim land in East Jerusalem that was owned by Jews earlier than 1948. However the descendants of tons of of hundreds of Palestinians who fled their properties that yr haven’t any authorized means to reclaim their households’ land.
“There’s one thing actually triggering and cyclical about seeing folks being faraway from their properties another time,” Ms. Bseiso stated. “It’s very triggering and really, very relatable, even for those who’re one million miles away.”
On April 29, President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority canceled the Palestinian elections, fearing a humiliating consequence. The choice made Mr. Abbas look weak.
Hamas noticed a possibility, and commenced to reposition itself as a militant defender of Jerusalem.
“Hamas thought that by doing so, they had been exhibiting that they had been a extra succesful management for the Palestinians,” stated Mkhaimar Abusada, a political skilled at Al Azhar College in Gaza Metropolis.
On Could 4, six days earlier than the warfare started, the top of the Hamas navy, Muhammed Deif, issued a uncommon public assertion. “That is our ultimate warning,” Mr. Deif stated. “If the aggression in opposition to our folks within the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood doesn’t cease instantly, we won’t stand idly by.”
Struggle nonetheless appeared unlikely.
However then got here probably the most dramatic escalation of all: a police raid on the Aqsa Mosque on Friday, Could 7. Law enforcement officials armed with tear fuel, stun grenades and rubber-tipped bullets burst into the mosque compound shortly after 8 p.m., setting off hours of clashes with stone-throwing protesters through which tons of had been injured, medics stated.
The police stated the stone throwers began it; a number of worshipers stated the alternative.
Whoever struck first, the sight of stun grenades and bullets contained in the prayer corridor of one of many holiest websites in Islam — on the final Friday of Ramadan, considered one of its holiest nights — was seen as a grievous insult to all Muslims.
“That is concerning the Judaization of town of Jerusalem,” Sheikh Omar al-Kisswani, one other chief on the mosque, stated in an interview hours after the raid. “It’s about deterring folks from going to Al Aqsa.”
That set the stage for a dramatic showdown on Monday, Could 10. A ultimate courtroom listening to on Sheikh Jarrah was set to coincide with Jerusalem Day, when Jews have fun the reunification of Jerusalem, by dint of the seize of East Jerusalem, in 1967.
Jewish nationalists usually mark the day by marching by way of the Muslim Quarter of the Previous Metropolis and making an attempt to go to Temple Mount, the positioning on which the Aqsa Mosque is constructed.
The looming mixture of that march, tensions over Al Aqsa and the potential of an eviction order in Sheikh Jarrah appeared to be constructing towards one thing harmful.
The Israeli authorities scrambled to tamp down tensions. The Supreme Court docket listening to within the eviction case was postponed. An order barred Jews from coming into the mosque compound.
However the police raided the Aqsa Mosque once more, early on Monday morning, after Palestinians stockpiled stones in anticipation of clashes with the police and far-right Jews. For the second time in three days, stun grenades and rubber-tipped bullets had been fired throughout the compound, in scenes that had been broadcast the world over.
On the final minute, the federal government rerouted the Jerusalem Day march away from the Muslim Quarter, after receiving an intelligence briefing concerning the danger of escalation if it went forward.
However that was too little, and much too late. By then, the Israeli Military had already begun to order civilians away from the Gaza perimeter.
Shortly after 6 p.m. on Monday, the rocket hearth from Gaza started.
Rami Nazzal contributed reporting from Ramallah, West Financial institution, and Iyad Abuhweila from Gaza Metropolis.